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"The victim of the Lost Cause legend has been history, for which the legend has been substituted in the national memory." - Alan T. Nolan[i] Forward The "Lost Cause" is the nomenclature for the literary and historical movement that glorified the traditional society of the South, reconciling it to the defeat of the Confederacy in the American Civil War. The Lost Cause portrayal was of a traditional society peopled by heroic men of chivalry and nobility who posessed superior martial skills. The Union won only through the use of a vastly larger force and manufacturing capability - not because they were better men. It was wistful and wishful salve that took some of the sting out of the loss of the Old Order. The inevitability of the rise of the Lost Cause as the Southern interpretation of the "War of Secession" seems somehow logical 140 years after the War, and even the school of historiography that sprang up to codify the primary collective memory of the Civil War in the South can be grasped. But the national adoption of the Lost Cause in the public consciousness needs further examination because of the long-term effects it had on all Americans and the subjugation of African Americans in the South. The subsequent debunking by "revisionist" historians of the "myths" involved in the Southern story starting in the late 1930's can be seen as at least partially precipitated by the national soul-searching following WWI. Finally, "myths" from both sides will be examined to see of there can be a national consensus regarding the writing of Civil War History. There is a great deal of literature on the Lost Cause, and necessarily only a few historians and the major schools of thought will be compared and contrasted. In the 50th year of its publication, in 2004, the journal Civil War History published a piece by its editor William Blair, of Penn State University, who noted: "the last fifty years have brought a shift from top-down approaches to greater emphasis on the lives of common people."[ii] The use of letters and oral tradition by historians is increasingly popular and certainly is no surprise given modern historical techniques, but he then went on to mention the most important generational historiographical change in Civil War studies: "During the life of this journal, slavery has been restored by historians as the central cause of the Civil War, and the Radical [Republicans] have gone from villains to heroes".[iii] Additionally, political history, as it relates to the Civil War, almost abandoned in the 1960's came back starting in the 1980's with Michael Perman's The Road to Redemption, and a number of other books that explore politics through more modern eyes. Current historians look to discover patterns and trends across the whole of the South, considering Reconstruction within the broader context of Southern and Northern political history. Winning for Losing The North won the United States Civil War - of that there can be no doubt. The South was economically destroyed and much of their male generation was lost. Yet there is a compelling argument to be made that much of the social fabric of the South remained un-tattered. The historical record shows that slavery, the reason most generally accepted for the Union's prosecution of the war, had indeed been done away with. Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation created freedmen of the former slaves and three constitutional amendments guaranteed the life, liberty, and citizenship rights of Blacks. The Republican governments set up in the defeated Southern states during the period of Reconstruction created heretofore unseen opportunity for black participation at the highest levels of government. However the window of opportunity was brief indeed. The "Compromise of 1877" created enough of a voting block to elect Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes but removed Federal troops from the South, abandoning the former slaves to their individual fates. White southerners rose up to retake their cultural heritage. The most virulent and horrifying example was the Ku Klux Klan, which exercised a reign of terror unchecked for a period, and even after its back had been broken it remained a powerful reminder of the ever-present likelihood of vigilante justice through lynch-law. Reconstruction could have continued to succeed by force or arms, but there was simply no national political will that could have been brought to bear to sustain it. Congressional and presidential elections in the period were fought on the narrowest of margins and required strange partnerships. It was increasingly unlikely that any strong federal intervention would occur again at the individual state level in the South. While there were still pockets of Republicans holding out in state legislatures, the Redeemers were able to consolidate their power and vote their platform into law. And so a dozen years after the war, the failure of Reconstruction allowed for state-enacted "Jim Crow" laws in Southern states. Southern power was once again firmly in the grasp of whites and Jim Crow guaranteed white supremacy and a future of separate and unequal treatment as well as voting disenfranchisement for blacks. This is critically important to the Lost Cause theory as it grew parallel to and in many ways in lock step with new systems of politics, class, and race relations being created in the last decades of the 19th century. The rush to put black freemen in their place was all the more critical now that they had been given a taste of what it was like to be free and have some power. This Pandora's Box, once opened, could never again be fully shut.[iv] Given this chain of events, Southern states used whatever means necessary to politically and culturally justify the consolidation of white power. The Lost Cause - Background and Early Roots Cultural differences are a major focus of modern and post-modern historians today. A classic case is the point of view taken by both the victor and the vanquished in the titles used for the conflict. During the war the North called it the "Civil War" or the "Insurrection", or perhaps most commonly just the "Rebellion". The South called it the "War", or sometimes the "War for Southern Independence".[v] After the war, the "Civil War" was still the most used nomenclature both North and South, but an alternative story steeped within pre-war politics kept popping up with Confederate veterans and their children. The idea was the "Civil War" was a misnomer because the South fought only for itself, not for control of the whole nation, and in fact upon secession, was a sovereign nation - so how could the war be a Civil War? And so, from the continued pollination of that political stance bloomed the titles "War Between the States" and the "War of Northern Aggression" which have been used extensively in the South and elsewhere up until this very day. The Cultural and Historical Norms There were competing visions of what constituted the "good" or "ideal" societal structure in pre-Civil War American society. Broadly brushed, the Southern vision of a rural agricultural society ruled benignly by an elite, sporting and paternal class clashed with the Northern urban, industrial, and unabashed capitalist meritocracy. The South professed to be fighting for self-government and the protection of private property (i.e. slaves). The underlying assumption was that this model was inextricably linked to the economic strength of the South. The North wanted to preserve the Union as constituted after the revolution of 1776. They feared that recognizing the right of secession would undermine the whole concept of a government based on majority rule, constitutional procedures, and democratic elections. So they were both fighting for their concept of liberty and union. The Northern version "won", and economically the free-labor, competitive model prevailed -- much to the consternation of the South and many modern southern historians (for instance Shelby Foote's comments as seen in Ken Burns' film Civil War) over the years, leading right up to the present. Just as there were two economic and cultural identities, there were also two competing histories of the Civil War. The first is based on historical fact, or what actually happened. Here we run into difficulty already, because for many historians this was the sole purveyance of the Northern or perhaps "Federal" version. It encompasses geo-political and military history in particular, with secondary emphasis on the abolition of slavery as moral compass. The second historical study is a broad body of myth and oral history combined with substantial historical fact called the "Southern Interpretation". Eventually codified and championed as the "Lost Cause", it has become American legend internationally in both literature and film. In fact, in many ways the South can be said to have won the war through the power of the pen. Southern historians and writers created a mythic Old South which had never completely existed and romantically glorified the war as fought by Southern boys who were more principled and gallant than their adversaries. The popular history of the Reconstruction period in the South was shaped by newspapers and books that sought to salvage honor from defeat. It was a badly needed social rationalization on an appropriately grand scale. The Lost Cause Mackubin Thomas Owens wrote in a review of two recent Civil War books about the continued power of the Lost Cause and its origins. He stated that this interpretation is firstly "political, insisting that the cause of the war was not slavery but the oppressive power of the central government, which longed to tyrannize over the Southern states. The South desired merely to exercise its constitutional right to secede, but was thwarted by a power-hungry Lincoln."[vi] He described the second Lost Cause interpretation as the noble military struggle of better men who became overwhelmed by superior forces. It is not surprising that both during and after the war the Confederacy was compared with the epic Scottish lost cause. Robert E. Lee was often compared to Robert the Bruce in the Southern press and it was often noted that it was no mistake that the Confederate flag had the blue St. Andrew's cross integral to its pattern.[vii] Post-war southerners held two broad views. The first was a very real sense that they had a profoundly distinctive culture that had not been completely destroyed. The second was a lingering hatred toward the North, which gradually receded in overt vitriol and took on new aliases as the years passed. At the time however it was quite bitter and very real. In his outstanding oral history book, The Private Civil War, Randall C. Jimerson used the Southern epistolary record to outline the truly deep divisions held during and immediately after the war. Common feelings of the time was written by a Confederate widow Fanny Andrews: "I used to have some Christian feeling towards the Yankees, but now that they have invaded our country and killed so many of our men and desecrated so many homes, I can't believe that when Christ said 'Love your enemies' he meant Yankees."[viii] The Legend Grows: 19th Century Historiography In the Anatomy of the Myth, Alan T. Nolan advances the main aspects of the Legend as it was disseminated in the South. The first was downplaying slavery, proclaiming that it was not the primary sectional issue. Economic independence, freedom from tariffs, states rights - anything at all was trotted out to trivialize slavery. A corollary was that the abolitionists were provocateurs "who manufactured a disagreement between the sections that was of little or no interest to the people".[ix] Another idea was that the South would have eventually given up their slaves on their own which then segued into the perception of Blacks as generally contented, faithful slaves who were treated well. The "cultural" differences between North and South were exploited using mythic arguments revolving around chivalry and Normans versus the Anglo-Saxons.[x] Predictably, there was a need for scapegoats to explain the military defeat. The men that stabbed the Confederacy in the back were vilified, but none more than Gen. Longstreet who was eventually to take the full blame in the mind of the public for the defeat at Gettysburg.[xi] The home front was idealized and so too were the leaders (with the exception of Confederate President Jefferson Davis, who was viewed as too politically polarizing). This hero worship culminated in the deification of Robert E. Lee. The postwar rise of the "Confederate revitalization movement" was first systematically prosecuted by a coalition of Virginia organizations such as the United Confederate Veterans, the United Daughters of the Confederacy and the Southern Historical Society, starting in the 1870's. The spur for this deep desire to "set the record straight" was the death of Robert E. Lee in 1870. The Virginians systematically attempted to define and exploit the Confederate tradition.[xii] A central figure in this movement was former Confederate General Jubal Early. "While not tied closely to the planter class, the leaders of this movement came from the prewar southern elite and from among the leaders of the Confederacy. They wrote much history that influenced the South's interpretation of the war."[xiii] Various magazines and particularly the Southern Historical Society Papers, (managed by Early) defended almost every aspect of Confederate behavior and began the codification of the Lost Cause. Yet the Virginians were not a resounding public success at that time. "That they failed to gain widespread support must have resulted from the majority of southerner's rejecting their use of the Confederate past. Most southerners did not wish to keep alive the passions of the war by re-fighting its battles and issues."[xiv] Nonetheless, the torch continued to be carried - particularly by the United Daughters of the Confederacy through its publications, most notably through Confederate Veteran Magazine founded and edited by Sumner A. Cunningham. Some historians date the Lost Cause to these "Virginian" undercurrents in the antebellum South. In fact, the term was coined very early on by the first great Southern historian on the war, Edward Pollard, in two books, starting immediately after the War with The Lost Cause in 1865. There were some elements of the Southern Interpretation in his work, most notably that slavery was "...one of the mildest and most beneficent systems of servitude in the world".[xv] But he cannot be seen as anything more than a precursor as the full codification was promulgated much later. C. Vann Woodward traces the origins of the Lost Cause in 1951's Origins of the New South: "...there developed a cult of archaism, a nostalgic vision of the past. One of the most significant inventions of the New South was the 'Old South' - a new idea in the eighties and a legend of incalculable potentialities." This "cult of archaism" propped up a demoralized populace.[xvi] There is also much confusion among historians on what the "New South" actually was. The term implies that the Old South needed conversion and modernization. The tension caused by this persists in historical texts. Whatever the arguments, at its base it can be seen that a rapidly changing economic system meant acceptance of new commercial values not in keeping with traditional, key elements of Southern identity and long-held value structures. Most historians do agree with Woodward's timeline of the late 1880's as the start of "extreme enthusiasm" in Confederate activities. This Victorian period saw a massive expansion of fraternal organizations both north and south such as the rise of the Grand Army of the Republic, the huge Union veterans society. Foster argues that public manifestations such as the building of monuments and the adoration for Robert E. Lee as a hero-god cemented the Lost Cause in the minds of the populace only in the 1890's, when the Southern interpretation of the war became more codified.[xvii] Further Codification In the last decades of the 19th century, things began to change as a new group of professional southern historians began to teach at southern universities at the turn of the century. Although they did not challenge the main points of the Lost Cause; "a few historians rejoiced...over the abolition of slavery, and went further in labeling its demise an advance in morality and a step toward progress. Yet few of them actively condemned slavery..."[xviii] Around one hundred years ago consensus appeared among southern historians that perhaps the Confederate Lost Cause was not generally separatist, but an attempt at "sectional reconciliation" within a mind-set making the broader reunification of the United States seem more of a federation. This one idea more than anything else allowed for grudging acceptance and in some cases out and out respect shown for "positive aspects" of southern culture and the Lost Cause. With a structure in place to allow Northern acquiescence, the Lost Cause would soon be cast in stone nationally. Edward L. Ayers in his brilliant 1992 follow-up to Woodward, The Promise of the New South, took this thesis of nationalization of the Lost Cause a bit further by adding: "The Lost Cause was not simple evidence of Southern distinctiveness, Southern intransigence, but was also ironic evidence that the South marched in step with the rest of the country."[xix] What Ayers saw was the prevailing national predilection toward fraternal organizations and social clubs, (i.e. the "statue craze" of the period) and the writers of fiction who sought to promote a genteel regional differentiation in both the North and the South. Woodward and Ayers were pioneers, but the writers of historical synthesis would not be complete without Eric Foner. Reconstruction was published in 1988 and in it Professor Foner talked about the social and political undercurrents moving within America at that time and described their effect on the actions of the major political players and the various classes and races. Foner perceptively identifies and provides us with an excellent account of one of the premier re-writings of the Civil War and Reconstruction by historians. Under the guidance of William J. Dunning at Columbia, Southern scholars created the Dunning School at the turn of the century, which "to its everlasting shame" helped to institutionalize the Southern subjugation of Blacks by co-opting the Lost Cause historical interpretation. The main components of the argument were that blacks were essentially children who were not capable of taking advantage of, or appreciating, the freedom that the Northern victory had given them. The North was terribly na�ve in granting suffrage, for "...a black skin means membership in a race of men which has never of itself succeeded in subjecting passion to reason, has never, therefore, created any civilization of any kind.' No political order could survive in the South unless founded on the principles of racial inequality".[xx] The Dunning School shaped national historiography on college campuses, and in doing so helped to legitimize the romance of the "Old South" in the media. Dunning was born in New Jersey in 1857 and although a Northerner, was influential for putting together a group of like-minded historians at Columbia University. These historians fanned out and promulgated in state-by-state studies in the Southern states the pernicious thesis. The argument boiled down to post-war Congressional interference by the Radical Republicans (a block of Northern Congressmen and Senators actively in favor of abolition) who sought to revolutionize race relations in the South through Reconstruction. Reconstruction was categorized as a national disaster which was brought to an end by Southern "redemption" of their political structures and subsequent white supremacy starting in 1877. "It was Dunning, who for all his scholarship, perpetuated and reinforced the caricature of 'carpetbaggers' from the North, of 'scalawag' collaborators from the South, and of ignorant blacks who all came together to despoil and exploit the South."[xxi] Dunning was elected president of the American Historical Association in 1913 at the same time that Woodrow Wilson (a Southerner) became President. This unabashed propagandist history was not without some truth, or it would not have been taken seriously, but suddenly the South was "winning for losing". The Dunning School's teachings greased the skids for such nationally screened Lost Cause interpretations as D.W. Griffith's film Birth of a Nation, which was sourced from Thomas Dixon's The Clansman: an Historical Romance of the Ku Klux Klan (1905), and was screened in the White House for Woodrow Wilson. The Clansmen tells the apocryphal story of white resistance to the tyrannical North. Northerners are Yankee capitalists and carpetbaggers while officials of Reconstruction are perhaps well-intentioned but misguided. The Ku Klux Klan is portrayed as the heroic and essential agency of southern deliverance from the scourge of Reconstruction. There is a clear line of paternity that exists in cinema and literary fiction all the way up to and way beyond the depiction of the O'Hara family's life at Tara in Gone with the Wind. How many more people saw that film than read a single scholarly piece on the war? Public consciousness was gelling and buying into the myth. Eric Foner posited that "Only in the family traditions and collective folk memories of the Black community did a different version of Reconstruction survive".[xxii] This is not quite accurate, for there were a few people, some of whom were historians, laboring to overturn this structure. For instance, Frederick Douglass worked tirelessly in the post-war decades to combat what he perceived to be a "...Northern complicity in spreading the Lost Cause arguments"[xxiii]. Another man who stood out from the crowd was W.E.B. Du Bois. Born in Massachusetts in 1868, Du Bois played a major role in the founding of the NAACP, and trained as a Marxist, his most influential work, Black Reconstruction in America: 1860 - 80, sought to place the black race as a major participant in the Civil War, a people actively seeking their freedom, and above all that slavery was indeed the cause of the war.[xxiv] Du Bois' Marxist bias and focus on class relations relegated him to secondary status in his lifetime, but he heavily influenced the revisionists a generation later. The Revisionists: The Road to Historical Clarity Civil War revisionist historians are credited with confronting and subsequently debunking the Lost Cause. It can be forcefully and successfully argued that the South finally lost the Civil War in the 1960's when the bulk of the major civil rights acts finally passed through Congress and were signed into law. Kenneth M. Stampp is one of the most often quoted of these revisionists. His first important book was his Peculiar Institution of 1957. It was the first major look at slavery in over 30 years "and for the first time depicted that institution as almost wholly cruel and malign".[xxv] Stampp's The Era of Reconstruction: 1865-1877 came out in 1965. It is a summary of the arguments of the revisionists and has great value for historians. This historian, along with Daniel Moynihan of Harvard and Stanly Elkins, were some of the cultural shapers of President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society. There were historical divisions and teething problems to be sure, as outraged black nationalist historians saw their turf being trod upon by white historians. In fact, many historians applauded the new diversity of thought while deploring the lack of collegiality. In 1969, the icon of American history, C. Vann Woodward made his presidential address to the Association of American Historians. He called it "Clio with Soul", and he called for racial calm and mutual toleration in the study of history. In fact, forty years after Origins, Woodward edited Mary Chesnut's famous Confederate Girl's Diary. It was a stunning repudiation of the Lost Cause and the methods of its promulgation. A supposed autobiography, the Diary claims to tell the inside story of the Confederacy and to show what life was like in antebellum South Carolina during the war. For decades the book was critically accepted as a contemporary reflection of one Southern woman's thoughts on the war and the reasons for its conduct. Woodward successfully demonstrated that Chesnut substantially modified her text almost twenty years after the war ended with the object of writing a novel which would promote the myths of reconstruction and the principled war fought by gallant men in defense of Southern sovereignty.[xxvi] Which "Myth" to Debunk in a Post-Revisionist World? Recent mainstream scholarship seems at last to have acknowledged the role of slavery in secession and war. In particular, a new review of the political history of the time has come back into play. Historians find that pre-war statements by Southern leaders acknowledged slavery as the main issue, and note that the Confederate Constitution then established it as a right. Human freedom was indeed at stake, just as the radical Republicans had seen it. It was a fundamental issue in the South to preserve the freedom of slave states to enforce the economic and social power of their "peculiar institution". For decades the states rights argument had been trotted out as the most effective method to shunt slavery to the side as only a corollary issue. But deep down that single issue of slavery always percolated up not so much over the right to own slaves as over the right of a slaveholder to take such property into federal territories.[xxvii] "It was argued with considerable justification that those lands prior to admission to statehood had belonged to all the people of the United States and that therefore to exclude slavery in them constituted a de facto exclusion of slave owners. Exclude the slave owners from residence and when the time came to form a new state, there would be no chance that the new star in the flag would countenance slavery."[xxviii] If that was true, and it seems more than plausible, the slave-state bloc was destined for less and less federal political power. That being the case, the existing slave states would be doomed to an ever-smaller voice in Washington. It was after all, a fight for the preservation of political power. The South would not have given up the institution of slavery on their own, and in fact would have flouted the Constitution and Bill of Rights to try to keep it in some economic (if not social) form or another, as it effectively did after Reconstruction.[xxix] Multiple historians have added the caveat that this was the reason for secession, but not the reason why Southerners fought. "Probably ninety percent of the men in grey had never owned a slave and had no personal interest in either slavery or the shadow issue of state's rights."[xxx] The widespread Northern notion that rebels were fighting for slavery was just not true - it was truly a northern myth. What they were fighting for was the preservation of their invaded homeland, their homes and families.[xxxi] Another at least partial fallacy advanced by the revisionists (most notably Stampp and up to and including African American studies schools) has been that slavery was implacably cruel. While there can be absolutely no defense of slavery as an institution, William C. Davis in the Lost Cause brings up some valid points. There is no question there were instances of sickening abuse, but slaveholders were subject to statutory laws in most states regarding the treatment of such "property". "Moreover, social stigma attached to any master who willfully mistreated his slaves, acting as a stay on those whose brute passions were susceptible to control."[xxxii] He then goes on to mention that slaves' actions hardly merit great resentment of their white rulers. There was no widespread rebellion during the war, and in fact many sought to fight for the Confederate cause, while others bought bonds or contributed to the war cause.[xxxiii] As for the idea that the South was a sovereign nation, generally it is felt that there are three acid tests for sovereignty: a separate and working civil government; the government is able to protect its territorial integrity; and that it is recognized by other world nations. The South was only able to come up with the first.[xxxiv] Gary W. Gallagher in a piece published in 2004 seeks a more balanced post-revisionist approach to the formulation of the Lost Cause. In fact, he breaks with his fellow revisionist Alan T. Nolan on a number of issues. His opening salvo: "Is it possible that arguments put forward to manage the memory of the Confederacy's war be rooted in fact?" [xxxv] He then notes that if we search for such evidence, are we diluting the insidiousness of denying the centrality of slavery to secession and war? Gallagher says not at all, and looks at Gen. Jubal Early and his attempts to build up Robert E. Lee. Lee himself said that the South was compelled to yield in the face of "overwhelming numbers and resources".[xxxvi] Early spent much time in creating a published record that glorified the Confederate Army and Lee in particular, becoming the most widely accepted scholar of Lee's exploits. He is often credited with pinning the blame put on Gen. James Longstreet for the loss at Gettysburg. General Early managed to "train the historical focus on Lee and his army rather than on Jefferson Davis and the Confederacy's political history".[xxxvii] Gallagher specifically takes on Alan T. Nolan and others of the revisionist ilk. He states that they fail to accept that much of what Early and Lee himself argued "was grounded in wartime fact, and accepted by both sides in the half-decade immediately following Appamattox - that is, before the Lost Cause literature began to appear in significant bulk".[xxxviii] Gallagher offers these points: firstly Lee's relative importance as the South's most important military figure does indeed hold up to historical scrutiny, and cites substantial evidence; and secondly as to Northern human and material advantages, it was quite well known on both sides, and Southern armies "remained resolute, at least until the autumn of 1864, in their determination to win independence".[xxxix] It was only when much larger and better supplied Union armies were sent a field that the North was grudgingly recognized superior. These and other elements of the Lost Cause continue to circulate freely because they are not myths at all - they are facts. Nonetheless, this cannot be interpreted that slavery must be treated separately as a "special situation". The logical choice to authors such as Gallagher, Tulloch and Davis is to look at each part of the Lost Cause interpretation individually, and then judge it on its own merits, and then apply broader synthetic arguments. This has some genuinely redeeming (no pun intended) factors. It will provide readers of American history with a much better thought out structure for understanding the regional creation of public memory of major events. It also points to a new willingness to point out instances in which patently partisan authors such as Early advanced arguments that were actually well supported by evidence. This will allow enhanced credence to "critiques of Lost Cause interpretations based on blatant twisting of the historical record".[xl] Yet while revisionist historians such as Alan T. Nolan aggressively attack the main points of the Lost Cause ideology, arguing that it was an intentional effort to rationalize secession and war while ignoring real historical facts, they can be perhaps too adamant about what constitutes the "reality" of history in positing the falseness of "myth". As always in well-considered and synthesized historical works, the truth lies somewhere in the grey middle of most arguments. At least it is now recognized that a fair and unbiased stance would be to study the "myth" as itself having a history that needs to be understood. No modern historical interpretation of the Lost Cause can overlook the deep, culturally held belief structures of the South both before and after the war, and the North's gradual acquiescence in their dissemination. The socio-political legacy of the Lost Cause is somewhat different. On the one hand as we have seen that it in part facilitated North-South reunification. The South saw Northern acceptance of the myth as a sign of respect blurring old hurts and making reunification easier. On the other hand we have the systemic and generational effect on African Americans. The Lost Cause played directly into nationally-held racist tendencies. It would not have taken hold in popular media and the collective credence if this were not so. It can truly be said that in the case of the Lost Cause, the price of American reunion was paid for by the immense sacrifice of African Americans. National introspection along with the passage of time can be nothing but positive. Regardless of some continued infighting among historians, the good news is that there is a waft of fresh air surrounding professional history as it relates to Civil War studies. That fresh air is being fanned by unprecedented public interest in the Civil War. We have only to look to the extraordinary success of James M. McPherson's Battle Cry of Freedom, published in 1988. It probably dates the start of the recent upswing in popular interest. The book won the Pulitzer Prize and sold over 600,000 copies. The immense public interest (witness the thousands of participants in dozens of Civil War battle recreations held annually) continues to both push and pull professional historians to a better understanding of their subject that along with the passage of time will ensure an even more balanced and "historical" clarity in the future. Endnotes [i] Alan T. Nolan is one of the pre-eminent modern revisionist Civil War historians and author of many books generally considered biased on the "anti-Confederate" side. Nolan, Alan T. "The Anatomy of the Myth" in Gallagher, Gary W. & Alan T. Nolan (eds). The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2000) 14 [ii] William Blair, "Fifty Years" in Civil War History. The Kent State University Press, (Dec. 2004, vol. 50 no. 4) 364 [iii] Blair, 364 [iv] See Eric Foner for a more complete discussion: Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-1877. (NewYork: Harper and Row. 1988) 587-88 [v] William C. Davis, The Lost Cause, Myths and Realities of the Confederacy. (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1996) 178 [vi] Mackubin Thomas Qwens. "The 'Lost Cause' In Retreat". Reviews of The Longest Night: A Military History of the Civil War, by David J. Eicher and Gettysburg: A Testing of Courage, by Noah Andre Trudeau. Claremont Review of Books. Summer 2003. http://www.claremont.org/writings/crb/summer2003/owens.html. (accessed April 20, 2005) [vii] Thomas L. Connelly and Barbara L. Bellows, God and General Longstreet: The Lost Cause and the Southern Mind. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1982) 4 [viii] Jimerson quotes Fanny Andrews and cites her "War-Time Journal" of July 1865. (pp. 148-149), Randall C. Jimerson, The Private Civil War: Popular Thought During the Sectional Conflict. (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1988) 247 [ix] Nolan p. 16. Nolan's argument cites Thomas Pressley's views in: Americans Interpret Their Civil War, (New York: Free Press, 1965) 124, 132-33 [x] Ibid., 17 [xi] For an excellent in-depth analysis see Jeffrey Wert, "James Longstreet and the Lost Cause" in Gallagher and Nolan (eds.) 127-146 [xii]Gaines M. Foster, Ghosts of the Confederacy: Defeat, the Lost Cause, and the Emergence of the New South, 1865 to 1913.(New York: Oxford University Press, 1987) 47 [xiii] Foster, 4-5 [xiv] Ibid., 62 [xv] The other book: E.A. Pollard, Southern History of the War. (New York: C.B. Richardson, 1866) 562 [xvi] C. Vann Woodward, Origins of the New South, 1877-1913. (New York: LSU Press. 1951. 2nd Ed. 1971) 154-155 [xvii] Foster, 49 [xviii] Ibid., 185 [xix] Edward L. Ayers, The Promise of the New South, Life after Reconstruction. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1992) 334 [xx] Foner p. 610-11 Eric Foner cites a number of books that advanced the Dunning School thesis, most notably: John W. Burgess; Reconstruction and the Constitution 1866-1876 (New York, 1902) 44-45, 133, 244-46.; and William A. Dunning, Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (New York, 1904) 384-85; among others. [xxi] Hugh Tulloch, The Debate on the American Civil War Era. (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1999). p.11. Note also the continuation of the argument on pages 212-25. [xxii] Foner, 610 [xxiii] Gallagher, 2 [xxiv] Tulloch, 221 [xxv] Ibid., 23 [xxvi]Mary Boykin Miller Chesnut, Mary Chesnut's Civil War. C. Vann Woodward (ed.) (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981.) [xxvii] William C. Davis, The Lost Cause, Myths and Realities of the Confederacy. (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1996) 182 [xxviii] Davis, 183 [xxix] Gary W. Gallagher, "Shaping Public Memory of the Civil War: Robert E. Lee, Jubal A. Early and Douglas Southall Freeman"in Alice Fahs and Joan Waugh, (eds). The Memory of the Civil War in American Culture. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.) 58 [xxx] Davis, 190 [xxxi] Davis, 183-91 and Tulloch, 206-222. For brevity I have distilled these two good examinations. Woodward and Foner are also useful for a broader discussion. [xxxii] Davis, 185 [xxxiii] Ibid.,185 citing his own work, William Davis, A Government of Our Own: The Making of the Confederacy (New York, NY: 1994) 161, 190, 290, 332. [xxxiv] Davis, 179 [xxxv] Gallagher, in Fahs 39. [xxxvi] Gallagher p. 40. The author cites Robert E. Lee. The Wartime Papers of Robert E. Lee. Clifford Dowdey and Louis H. Manarin (eds.) (Boston: Little, Brown, 1961.) 934 [xxxvii] Ibid., 45 [xxxviii] Ibid., 51 [xxxix] Ibid., 55 [xl] Gallagher, 58 |
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